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CIRCULATE.] [published under authority of the national and 

JACKSON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE. 



GENERAL TAYLOR'S TWO FACES. 

Demflcvaiic paMi^, NoVionol com-.. 



LOOK UPON THIS PICTURE, AND THEN UPON THIS.'' 



The fact is not denied, even by his supporters, that General Taylor was nominated 
by the Whig Convention at Philadelphia solely on the ground of his availability. 
That he has no political principles, and is perfectly ignorant upon political matters, 
he humbly acknowledges. Therefore, the advocates of his election can represent 
him to be any thing they choose, as will best suit the different localities where they 
hope to gain adherents. But particularly on the subject of slavery and the Wilmot 
Proviso is he represented with two aspects to his face. At the North, he is repre- 
sented to be in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, because he has endorsed the article 
which appeared in the Cincinnati Signal, and avowed himself against the exercise 
of the veto power. At the South, his advocates contend that he is opposed to the 
Wilmot Proviso, and will certainly kill it with the veto, if elected, because he is a 
southern man and a slaveholder, and therefore identified with southern interests. 

It is important that this base fraud should be exposed, and the people of the 
United States informed of the cheat which the leaders of the Whig party in the 
different sections of the Union would palm upon them. Hence we have deemed it 
necessary to collect and exhibit in contrast the misrepresentations of the leaders of 
the Whig party, North and South, touching the position which General Taylor 
occupies with regard to slavery and the Wilmot Proviso. 

GENERAL TAYLOR'S NORTHERN FACE. GENERAL TAYLOR'S SOUTHERN FACE. 

"The non-slaveholding States should ask the "An eventful, thrilling, and highly dangerous crisis 

question: Will the man proposed (whether he live has been forced upon the country by locofoco dem- 

in a free or slave State) use his power for the ex- agogues, regardless of the sanctity of that Union, 

tension of slavery to territory where it does not ichich is so dear to every patriotic American citizen. 

now exist? On this point, what is General Tay- The Wilmot proviso, as it is called, has open- 

lor's power? No more, I answer, than yours, un- ed a fearful mine beneath the foundations of 

less he should exert it through his veto. Will he the sacred constitution. That mike may ex- 

do this? I answer, according to his pledges he plode at the hour of midnight, and forever 

cannot. He has said in his letter to Captain Alii- destroy the proudest fabric of human genius 

son: ' The personal opinions of the individual who and virtue. To avert this threatened evil, to 

' may happen to occupy the Executive chair ought close the mighty chasm that begins to yawn be- 

' not to control the action of Congress upon ques- tween the free and slave States, is a duty we owe 

' tions of domestic policy, nor ought his objections to ourselves, to our posterity, to the memory of 

' to be interposed where questions of constitutional the illustrious dead. How shall this be done? 

'power have been settled by the various depart- " We must elect a man for President of the United 

' ments of the Government, and acquiesced in by States who lives in our own sunny South; who is 

' the people.' willing to peril all for the Constitution; who loves 

" If slavery is extended anywhere in territories, the South and HER CHERISHED INSTITIT- 
it must be done by act of Congress. Is it not a TIONS, and yet will do ample justice to the 
question of 'domestic policy ?' Clearly it is. Has North. And last, though not least, we must, to 
it not been settled that Congress has the constitu- ensure success, support a candidate for the Posi- 
tional power to prohibit slavery ? The Missouri dency, of such an overshadowing popularity, of a 
compromise, and various other similar exertions reputation that towers as the Himalaya mountains, 
of the power of Congress, recognized by every above all others. 

department of the Government, answers this ques- " Such a man is General Zachary Taylor. He 

tion in the affirmative. And all know that this lives in the South, and makes twelve hun- 

has been 'acquiesced in by the people.' dred bales of cotton on the banks of the 

i( Thus, then, it is clear, thai the people, if they tvish Mississippi. HIS INTERESTS, HIS FEEL- 



T*^\ 






u 






[General Taylor's Northern face.] 
to restrict slavery to its present limits, hare only to elect 
the proper men to Congress, and their will will be. law 
uncontrolled by that so much abused veto power." — 
Letter from Thomas Coricin, Senator from Ohio, to 
J. M. Clements. 

«' In this great emergency, I have felt strongly 
opposed to the election of a President with south- 
ern principles. As much as ever, more than ever, 
am I opposed to war and extension of slavery. 
I abhor the doctrine of availability; but, in this 
fearful crisis, I must vote for Taylor; and I vote 
for him, not because he is a warrior, but because, 
with him, there is the better, if not the only, pros- 
pect for continued peace. I vote for him, not be- 
cause he is the owner of slaves, but because, with 
him for President, (opposed as he is to the abuse 
of the veto power,) and with the independent 
representatives whom, if true to themselves, the 
people will choose, there is the best and the only 
chance of restricting slavery and curbing the slave 
power."!!! — Letter of Daniel P. King, Member of 
Congress from Massachusetts, to his Constituents. 

"*1s a northern Whig, desiring to prevent the ex- 
tension of slavery into any territory which we now 
possess, or which we may hereafter acquire, I greatly 
prefer the election of General Taylor to that of Gen- 
eral Cass. This restriction, if made at all, must 
be made by Congress. General Cass has pledged 
himself to the South, in order to secure their sup- 
port, to resist any attempt to restrict the extension 
of slavery. He denies the power of Congress 
under the Constitution to make any such restric- 
tion; and consequently, if he should be elected, he 
would veto any bill which Congress might pass to 
effect this important object. 

"General Taylor has pledged himself to leave the 
decision of this question to the legislative department 
of the Government, and he will not arrest the action 
of that department by the tyrannical exercise of the veto 
power. If, then, General Cass shall be elected, 
\yhile the policy of the Government will be such 
as to lead to lar{;e acquisitions of territory upon 
our southern borders, no restriction upon the ex- 
tension of slavery into such territory can be made 
by Congress, except by a two-thirds vote, over- 
riding a Presidential veto. This cannot be hoped 
■for. The election of General Taylor, with tile pledges 
which he has given to the country, will leave to Congress 
full power to prevent the extension of this evil." 

"The election of General Taylor will introduce 
a safe American system of policy, calculated to 
promote the national welfare and happiness. The 
election of General Cass will build up the one-man 
power into a towering despotism, overpowering 
the action of Congress, and defeating the will and 
wishes of the people. The election of General 
Taylor will secure to the popular voice, as ex- 
pj ssod through its constitutional representatives, 
that just control over the administration of the 
Government, which, according to the trur theory 
of our Constitution, it should exercise. The elec- 
tion of General Cass will scenic the complete tri- 
umph of the. most ultra views of slavery piopa- 

gandists, while Congress will be deprived of all 
power to check the evil. The election of General 
Taylor will leave in the hands of the representa- 
tives of the people their just and cousiitul lonal 
power to exclude tliis evil from the territories which 



^=r - 



[General Taylor's Southern face.] 
INGS ARE ALL WITH US. Throughout the 
northern and t\ee States he enjoys the unbounded 
confidence of the entire people. His patriotism, 
his genius, his undoubted honesty, and entire 
devotion to the Constitution and the Union, will 
ever secure him the support of a large majority in 
every portion of the United States. Who shall 
say that Genera! Taylor has not been raised up at 
this eventful crisis, by an all-wise and overruling 
Providence, to quench the fires of discord, and 
prevent the downfall of the Republic? 

"Where is another man in the slave States, 
who can receive, even a respectable vote at the 
North? If we elect General Taylor, his genius 
will enable him to guide our ship through the 
gathering storm; his honesty, his sterling integrity, 
will secure to us his best endeavors; his immense 
popularity will enable him to triumph over all 
opposition. Then, we ask, in all candor, who 
will oppose General Taylor?"— Alabama Whig. 

" We rejoice at the selection, because we feel 
that under such leaders victory is certain — because 
we feel that the interests of the country will be 
protected by him who has declared that his sole 
aim will be the country's good — because we feel 
assured that our rights as Southern men may safely be 
trusted to one, who is himself a Southern man and a 
slaveholder. " — Florida Jldverli&er. 

General Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso. 
The Matagorda (Texas) Tribune, on the 23d of 
May, has the following emphatic paragraph with 
respect to General Taylor and the expected bene- 
fits of his election : 

" If elected, our institutions — we speak out — 
slavery, will be under the protection of his eagle 
eye and his giant arm. Who does not know that 
that institution is in some shape or other under 
daily discussion in Congress, and that at this mo- 
ment the Southern members are ill at ease in con- 
sequence of new and fearful movements being 
made in relation to it? The old Nestor of the 
South, Mr. Calhoun, warns us that we are ap- 
proaching a crisis pregnant with danger, and that 
before long we will have to toe the mark." 

" We know that, in this great paramount and 
LEADING QUESTION of the RIGHTS of the 
SOUTH, he [Gen. Taylor] is of us, he is WITH 
US, and he is FOR US!" — Resolution of a Taylor 
meeting in Charleston, South Carolina. 

" In regard to -the conversation had with Gen- 
eral Taylor, I have to say, we did not talk on the 
tariff — we did on the war. He expressed himself 
IN FAVOR OF THE WAR; HE SAID HE 
WAS DECIDEDLY IN FAVOR OF PROSE- 
CUTING IT VIGOROUSLY, till they should 
yield an honorable peace; HE WAS FOR IN- 
DEMNITY CERTAIN, AND THAT TERRI- 
TORIAL; was not wedded to any line particularly, 
but thought perhaps, as a kind of compromise 
with the Wilmot proviso men, we had better go 
up to 32 degrees, making the Rio Grande the west- 
ern boundary up to that decree; and said THE 
SOUTH SHOULD NEVER AGREE TO THE 
PROVISIONS OP THE WILMOT PROVISO; 
although he did not believe there ever would be sla- 
very there, yet if the country was acquire d, the citi- 
zens should be left free on that subject. H E S A 1 9 
ALL MEXICO WILL EVENTUALLY COME 



,i Exchange 
Peaoody Inst, of Balto. 



[General Taylor's Northern face.] [General Taylor's Southern face.] 

belong to the United States. "—Letter of Caleb B. INTO OUR GOVERNMENT BY DEGREES- 

Smith, Member of Congress from Indiana, to his Whig THAT IT CANNOT BE AVOIDED. On the* 

constituents, dated June 30, 1848. subject of politics, he said he was no politician ; had 

" Again, it is said General Taylor is in favor of f»?en three-fourths of his life in the&rmy; dev'oted 
introducing slavery into newly acquired territory. ,! ls . tlme an( * m ' n( * t0 tnat service, and paid but 
In April, 1847, the editor of the Cincinnati S-gn'al Imle attent 'o» to anything else."— Statement from 
sent to General Taylor an editorial article, in which one °f the Committe e of the Mississippi Legislature ap- 
is the following: pointed to invite General Taylor to visit that State. 

" ' The American people are about to assume the In a letter to the editor of the Tuscaloosa (Ala- 

« responsibility of framing the institutions of the bama) Monitor, General Taylor himself avows 

* Pacific States. We have no fears for the issue, that he has endorsed all the remarks of the Gin- 
' if the arena of debate is the assemblies of the peo- cinnati Signal, to the effect that he would not veto 

* pie and their representative halls. The extension the Wilmot proviso. He says: 

* over the continent beyond the Rio Grande of the "l" reply to your remarks concerning a letter 
'ordinance of 1787, is an object too high and ptrma- which I addressed some time since to the editor 
4 nent to be baffled by Presidential vetoes.' of the Cincinnati Signal, I have no hesitation in 

"The intelligent reader will remember that the stating that it was not my intention in that corn- 
ordinance of 1787 referred to, is that by which munication to express an opinion either in con- 
slavery was forever excluded from the Northwest- currence with, or in opposition to, any of the 
ern Territory, and that the Wilmot proviso isalmost views embraced in the editorial article to which it 
an exact copy. In General Taylor's reply to the refers. The letter itself, like most other letters of 
letter enclosing the editorial from which the above m, "e on unofficial matters, which have found their 
extract is taken, he uses the following language: way into the newspapers, was not intended for 

"' I trust you will pardon me for thus briefly publication, but simply written as a matter of 

* replying to you, which I do with a high opinion courtesy, in answer to one which I had received 
'and APPROVAL of the sentiments "and views from the gentleman in question. * * * It was 

* emlnaced in your editorial.' simply my desire, on that occasion, as has been 

"NotonlyhasGeneralTayloruniformlyavowed m y custom uniformly through life, to express my 
himself a Whig, but he authorized the Louisiana respect for opinions which! believed to be non- 
delegation in the Convention to say that he deemed estly entertained, and as long as thus held, my 
' the welfare of our country requires a change of approval of his maintaining them." 
' men and measures, in order to arrest the down- "The charge carries such absurdity on its very 
ward tendency of onr nat.onal affairs.' f ace , as not to deserve a serious refutation. Gen- 
Bestdes the endorsement of his Whig neigh- eral Taylor, a southern man, the destiny of himself 
bors, many ot the most prommentand distinguished and his children identified with th'w of the 
Whigs m different portions of the coumry testify South, his immense wealth CONSISTING IN 
to Ins devotion ho the principles of the Whig party. SLAVES, and land which has to be CULTIVA- 
Hon i.l homas Corwin, of Ohio, says: TED BY SLAVES TO RENDER IT V4LUA- 
t General Taylor was opposed to the annexa- BLE— he an enemy to the South ! he in favor ofpros- 
„", lexas - trating southern rights and interests! The very 
Is opposed to any further extension of our quintessence of absurdity ! THEY MIGHT AS 
territory at present and probably for all time to WELL SAY THAT GENERAL TAYLOR IS 

C »Tt. -ik u , u , , , • - A FREK NEGRO ! They uwuld be believed just 

that although a slaveholder, he considers about as soon, and exhibitfully as much reason and 

slavery an evil, and does not deem it right to ex- truth in making the charge."— Marion (Mabama) 

tend or increase it. Review, a Taylor paper. * 

lhat he always deemed the Mexican war u ni ■ ti n ■ ^ 

'impolitic and without justification. rfi'Z^T ? rf ' , P -Tre^^ 

" ' And that on all oiher doctrines of the Whisr 1, T t / i "" f ^'°T *l ** "^ C T? " 

'party, his principles are coincident with ours.' " n"n7 i ,. f - S ° U,h ' ^i**" ™f " 16 

-Richmond (Indiana) Palladia,, July 4, 1848. ^^ti^^nSS^S^tSSi 

' We have no fears for the issue, if the arena THE QUESTION OF THE WILMOT PRO. 

of the debate is the assemblies of the people and V1SO, AND REPUDIATED A RESOLUTION 

'their representative halls. The extension over the ADOPTING THAT DOCTRINE AT O.NCE 

' continent beyond the Rio Grande of the ordinance of BY AN OVERWHELMING MATORITY 

' 1787, is an object loo high and permanent to be baffled IT WOULD NOT TOUCH THE UNCLEAN 

by Presidential vetoes. All that we ask of the incum- THING. Howdiffere.it this generous and natri- 

* • tV^f h ' sllest (,ffine undei " the Constitution, otic action from the dangerous sectional fanaticism 
^ is to hold his hand, to bow to the will of the people of the Democratic Convention. It will be reeol- 

as promulgated in legislative forms, and restrain lected that a resolution was introduced there by 

th fl^*ee««ve action in its appropriate channels! 1 Mr. Yancey to repudiate the proviso, which the 

10 this article, setting forth the editor of the Convention refused to do, by a vote of 216 to 36 

Signal s ■views, General Taylor, on the 18th of This vote aimed a death blow to the rights of the 

May, 1847, responded in his usual frank and con- South, and its effect has been to cast gloom and 

Cise manner, with the following closing remark: dismay in the hearts of those who struggle for the 

^ # I trust youwilt pardon me for thus briefly reply- preservation of nur glorious Union. Doubts and 

.nf/m"^^ W M&JJ&S£ th Ji *5B* "> )ini " n " nd fears began to overwhelm the public mind, lest 

'DECIDED APPROVAL OF THE SENTI- even the Whigs, the great conservative parly of 



[General Taylor's Northern face.] [General Taylor's Southern face.] 
'MENTS AND VIEWS EMBRACED IN the Union, ALSO MIGHT BE INFECTED 
•YOUR EDITORIAL!' WITH THIS HERESY, and have yielded to 
"Could anything be plainer or more explicit the 'progressive' notions of the Locofocoism of 
than the General's reply to the foregoing extract the age. Thanks to a kind Providence, which has 
from the article enclosed to him? Have we not an always watched over our beloved fend , a party still 
assurance, from his 'decided approval of the exists determined to regard the '■compromises of the 
sentiments and views embraced in' the above Constitution,' &c, and those just and equal rights 
extract, that should Congress pass a law extend- to all sections, without which our glorious Union 
ing the ordinance of 1787 over neic territory, orter- cannot exist one moment. THEY HAVE MET 
rUory acquired from Mexico, he would not arrest THIS INCENDIARY AND DESTRUCTIVE 
by veto? PRINCIPLE AS WHIGS— in the old Whig 
" When the question is narrowed down to a spirit of enlightened patriotism of the patriotic 
choice between Taylor and Cass upon the ques- fathers, and on which the party is founded. 
tion of slavery-extension, it would seem to us that THEY DARED TO STAND UP'AND MEET 
no one can hesitate long in declaring his prefer- THIS FIREBRAND OF UNPRINCIPLED 
ences. There is certainly more to hope by the FACTIONISTS boldly (as the Democratic Con- 
friends of freedom, from the southern man with vention did not) — to meet it as men aware of their 
liberal principles, than there is from the " north- duties, like their great leader at Buena Vista, 
ern man with southern principles." While Gen- 'asking no favors and shrinking from no respon- 
eral Taylor says, that the ' personal opinions of sibilities' — to cast it out of their Convention in the 
' the individual who may happen to occupy the letth of these infuriated fanatics, and to declare that 
' Executive chair ought not to control the action it was no part, and should be no part, of the Whig 

• of Congress upon questions of domestic policy, creed. This the Democratic Convention would 
•nor ought his objections to be interposed when not do. We congratulate the South — we congratu- 
« questions of constitutional power have been late the southern men, who have never appealed 

• settled by the various departments of the Gov to the fidelity, honor, patriotism, and generosity, 

• ernment, and acquiesced in by the people,' Gen- of their northern Whig brethren in vain. We 
eral Cass claims that Congress has no right to congratulate the Union that there is still one great 
legislate upon such questions of ' domestic policy,' patriotic party which is determined to resist the 
and, consequently, planting himself upon the plat- mad and malign influence, which, if unchecked, 
form of his 'political faith' as laid down by the would soon leave of its sacred rights but the 
Baltimore Convention, he would feel bound to name." — Alabama Journal. 

veto any measure, should it pass both Houses of << The subjects of a tariff, bank, and internal im- 
Congress, regulating the institution of slavery in p r0 vements, are dwarfed into insignificant dimen- 
anv territory that may be acquired." — Maumee s j ns when compared with the great and over- 
man) River Times, July 1, 1848. shadowing one which an unprincipled northern 

"That General Taylor will be found as true a and northwestern Democracy has dared to throw 

Whig, in the general application of Whig prin- before the people, [alluding to the free territory 

ciples as the Whig party could desire or expect, principle]. It is of vital consequence that the 

we hold to be established by his Allison letter, South should march up to this question. By 

and by the "statement" of the Louisiana delega- birth, education, sentiment, feeling, associa- 

tion. And we understand the former also as con- tion, and interest, General Taylor is one of 

veying a pledge that on the one great question of us. The South may wellanswerthe North through 

principle which most divides and agitates the coun- him, and redeem the pledge it has made to support 

trv — the extension of slavery over territory now no man who is not of us or with us." — Charleston' 

free — he will not seek to interfere with the action (S. C. ) Courier. 

of Congress. That is a great point gained. This t^ Q ne re ason why the South should sustain Taylor 

is an arrangement with which we can bo satis- f or t i, e Presidency with great unanimity is, because 

fied." — .\*<ic York Commercial Advertiser. his nomination affords a final and unlooked-for 

" FreeTerritort. — Amongst several questions chance of electing a Southern Man to thai office, 
propounded to Governor Jones, during his speech The importance of placing ai the head of Govern- 
here, all of winch he answered with entire frank- ment one who, from birth, association, and CON- 
ness and courtesy, was one asking him if he be- NECTION, is identified with the South, and will 
lie ved General Taylor was in favor of the extension fearlessly uphold her rights and guard her from 
of slave territory. Governor Jones said in reply, oppression, cannot fail to strike every mind. In 
thai he did not profess to know General Taylor's this view, his election becomes a question of vital 
opinions upon this, to Southi rn nun, most delicate moment to the SL A VK HOLDING PORTION of 
and painful subject. But he declared it as Ins firm the Confederacy.* 1 — .Veto Orleans Bee. 
conviction ; from what he knew of the man, and << \ desperate attempt is making, and will be 
from his public Bemiment8,thal if Congress should made, to impress on the public mind the belief thai 
p a law prohibiting the extension of slavery to General Taylor is not thoroughly with the South 
new territory, General Taylor would not veto it. ()11 tne subject of .slavery. Such an attempt will 
All weal ih<- North had to do, he said, would In ,to on \y prove to what resorts our opponents are driven, 
elect an mbi rs of Congress who would pas* such a bill, m order to injure him in the estimation of his ad- 
an<l General Taylor would not Interpo't the veto mirers. Why, who is General Taylor? and where 
pomrr to dtfeal it! What more do we want?" — ,|,„. s | ie | m '; Everybody knows that he is a 
Jluhurn (.V. Y.) Jldverli citizen of Louisiana; an extensive and successful 

"In A | ril, l847,Jamea W. Taylor Esq., editor farmer; and owns more slaves than the most of his 



[General Taylor's Northern face.] 
of the Cincinnati Signal, forwarded to General 
Taylor, then at the camp near Monterey, an edito- 
rial article which had appeared in the Signal, lay- 
ing down a sort of Presidential platform, and ask- 
ing him for his opinion of the doctrines therein 
broached. From the editorial in question we take 
the following extract: 

"'The only path of safety for those who may 
« hereafter fill the Presidential office, is to rest in the 
' discharge of the Executive functions, and let the 
♦legislative will of the people find utterance and 
•enactment. The American people are about to 
« assume the responsibility of framing the institu- 
« tions of the Pacific States. We have no fears for 
' the issue, if the arena of this high debate is the 
« assemblies of the people and their representative 
' halls. The extension over the continent beyond the 

• Rio Grande of the ordinance of 1787, is an object too 
' high and permanent to be baffled by Presidential 
1 vetoes. ' 

" In this extract the doctrine is clearly affirmed, 
that the whole subject of slavery extension' is to 
be left ' to the unbiased action of Congress' — and 
that the extension of the ordinance of 1787 over 
new territory is an object of too high importance 
to be baffled by Presidential vetoes. The whole 
ground taken by free soil men is here fully covered; 
and an approval of such sentiments must, in our 
humble opinion, bring any man within the pale of 
consistent northern support, as far as this question 
is concerned. Well, has General Taylor given the 
above sentiments his approval? We answer, he 
has. The letter of the Signal .editor was answered 
by General Taylor on the 18th of May, 1847. It 
commences by acknowledging the ' receipt of your 
letter, with the enclosure of your editorial, ex- 
tracted from the Signal of the 13th of April' — and 
then proceeds to say, that his duties will not per- 
mit him to answer the letter in the terms demanded 
by its courtesy — that he did not seek the Presi- 
dency, and hoped, when the war was over, to find 
in the society of his family and particular friends, 
and in occupations more congenial to his wishes, 
a more tranquil and satisfactory life than high 
honorand responsibility could confer. Then comes 
in the following important paragraph: 

" ' With these remarks, I trust you will pardon 
1 me for thus briefly replying to you, which I do, 
'with a HIGH OPINION and APPROVAL of the 
•SENTIMENTS and VIEWS embraced in your 

* editorial.' 

"Now, we ask, is there not here 'some assu- 
rance of perfect impartiality 'on the subject in ques- 
tion? Does not General Taylor here approve of 
leaving the settlement of the question to the repre- 
sentatives of the. people? What assurance more 
does the Tribune wish? Ought not the 'assu- 
rance' here given, coupled with the assurance in 
the Allison letter, satisfy every good Whig and 
free soil Democrat of the eminent consistency and 
propriety of sustaining and supporting General 
Taylor, when the only alternative is the election 
of General Cass?"— Pit tsburg (Pa.) Gazette. 

" General Taylor (says G. Ashmun) was not my 
preference; but I believe him to be a true Whig, an 
honest and capable man, opposed to the acquisition 
of Texas, with sound and conservative principles, 
opposed to further enlarging the boundaries of the 



[General Taylor's Southern face.] 
slanderers can ever hope honestly to obtain. Is 
there any fear of such a man on this subject? 
Born in a slave State, and still residing in one; with 
a large portion of his capital invested in this species 
of property; identified from interest, inclination, and 
education, with the institutions around us; will any- 
sensible man hesitate on this subject to prefer him 
to his opponent?" — Columbus (Geo.) Enquirer. 

"The Last Plank gone. — The opponents of 
the glorious old Zachary Taylor, in their reckless 
attempts to injure him with the people of the South, 
have asserted that, in his letter to James W.Tay- 
lor, editor of the Cincinnati Signal, written in reply- 
to and answering certain interrogatories propound- 
ed in a letter from him, he had pledged himself 
not to veto any bill which might be passed by Con- 
gress in which wa3 imbodied the Wilmot Proviso! 
This monstrous assertion, so entirely at war with 
the character of the man and the tenor of his whole 
life, could only have been made by political leaders 
when in the last stage of desperation — when they 
saw that everlasting political rout and ruin was 
approaching them as fast. as the course of time 
would permit. 

"How dare these unscrupulous maligners say 
that General Taylor— a man of such pure, noble, 
and unsullied character — would prove a traitor 
to those among whom he was born and raised?— 
that he would betray the southern people on this 
vital question? — that he would prove false to his 
own interests, and scornfully turn his back upon 
old associations? What ground have they for 
putting forth such vile and unfounded statements? 
In the course of a long life, has General Taylor 
ever displayed any disposition to betray his coun- 
try ? Does he bear the marks of a traitor? No! 
Let his vilest traducers point to a single act of his 
life that smacks of treason ! On the contrary, for 
forty years he has stood by his country, and on 
many desperately contested battle-fields his strong 
arm, stout heart, clear and cool head, indomitable 
bravery and iron will, have rolled back the lurid 
tide of battle, and covered himself and his country's 
flag with imperishable renown. Why should such 
a man — so pure, so exacted, so patriotic, so devoted 
to his country, who has consecrated a long life to 
his country 's service, who has shed immortal glory 
upon her arms, and who is so honest, so magnani- 
mous, so generous, so noble in all the relations of 
life — be slandered in this sort of style? True it is 
that we have not yet met with any Democratic edi- 
tor who dare openly charge General Taylor with 
abolitionism; yet such a game has been for two 
or three months and is now going on all over the 
South by implication and insinuation! They in- 
sinuate slily what they dare not charge openly. 
This is worse, meaner and more detestable, than 
if the charge was made boldly. There would then 
be some manliness about the matter. 

" If the people of the South demand stronger 
evidence of a man 'a soundness on the slavery ques- 
tion than the fact that he is a southerner by birth, 
habits, and associations; that he has always been 
identified with the South, and that all the property 
he has in the world is invested in a cotton planta- 
tion — it is not likely that they will ever get it. They 
do not deserve more." — Mississippi Courier. 



6 



[General Taylor's Northern face.] 



afeS i,f !li r. § ; , the latitude where Irary, have given us a man pledged not to veto the acts 

!,>"/•-?' Ve Idonol behevehatht de- of Congress, (eve* ,f 1t be another ordi.v^ce 

sues or approves Us extension H,s declared senti- l.kf. that which perpetuated freedom .n the 

SLr a £™"V hat . fe ^illnarer, in </* Northwestern Terr.tory,) no such separation 

^W^"^*'f? ,rC ?««» is necessary for us, and surely no coalitiS with 

when it shall forbid the existence of slavery m our Barnburners, with whom, if we were tocoalesce 

neu-y-acqmred territories. Ltt the representatives the result would be the election of General Cass' 

X „ ^F^ '"T '° !/£ ' rt ? (il 'V n - /? ' 1 ; a . PprOVal l, y 'he people of all the maladministra, 
ence atul Executive veto, and ice are safe. I need tton of Mr Polk " 

not I am confident, give to you any new assurance «' But why, just now, all this sensation in the 
that, whenever the question, in any form, shall matter of slavery, when by treaty, California ad 
be presented during my official term, the rights of New Mexico are 'annexed?' The legislation re- 
humanity shal find in me an unyielding advocate, specting their future government is all in the hands 
half, Kl S0 ° P TT'' U ,S t0 u be , me - , m . ' he ° f C °ngress, whose acts on all constitutional que* 
all nrolMl E H a T ' S -° bfi dec,d f ed s >; n t,ons - seUled b Y Precedent, General Taylor pledges 
Poll'' u 7; r S ^ t° m,nUan ^ °J ¥'• hi "^f to approve. The Nathan Dane ordinance, 
lates SS T?! " ^ ,?e ° P >.° f r hC fiee Cf tric »"g ^very from obtaining a foothold in the 
States hok to their representees! "^-Letter of Northwest Territory, is a precedent General Tay 
SZ' M S { ^"""^"'"gwmber of Congress lor, if disposed, could not get over, were Confess 
from Massachusetts, to his constituents. to pass an act restricting slavery from California 
" Washington, March 1, 1848. and New Mexico. Beyond all question, when Con- 
"Gemtlemek: Since writing my- letter of ves- C^f Passes such an act, he icill approve it."— New 
terday, 1 have referred to the ' Signal correspond- Fflr * % r ^' 

ence,' and find it, on the point herein referred to, " Let them ponder these things well. Let them 

■ e T l,Vpn VS ''t ,i o- , m learn-as they will learn, if they will not fee deaf 

. I he editor of the Signal says: ' The exten- and blind to the truth— that General Taylor is a 

S.on over the continent beyond the Rio Grande of Whig in principle, is in favor of peace, opposed to 

Hie ordinance of 1,87, is an object too high and all war, believes slavery to be a curse, to the country 

permanent to be baffled by Presidential vetoes, and desires its extermination, and is opposed to the 

All mat we ask of the incumbent of the highest further extension of slave territory. When they shall 

t omce, under the Constitution, is to hold his hand, learn these things, we believe that no man who 

( to how to the will of the people, as promulgated truly loves the Whig party, and who believes its 

in legislative forms, and restrain the Execu- success essential to our safety and prosperity can 

live action in its appropriate channels.' General for a moment hesitate to believe his duty calls Mm 

layior, in reply, expresses his 'high opinion and to give him his ardent and zealous support "— 

approval of the sentiments and views embraced in Boston Mas. 

'your (his) editorials.' ... ai , , 

"Yours, &c. A STPWA«T " And the itfMas further supports its position by 

T . , , ' . M , ,oll!,,VM1, publishing the following: ' 

bmk\£7Jkff%hlf7J^ V t d an f unscr , u P u - " Colo » el Mnaon, of Upper Piqua, Ohio, who 
Colr?lfJp*) Slewort t member of was selected by the Whigs of Miami, as their d'el- 

S^rv?trM;-"' >M( ' Sfl, ' ,, ?f' ,, '' ,e esnle l0 the Conven.ion-a staunch, undoubted 
kfat Ltar^ ^elUgencer, m ivhich paper Whig-who has in a long life devoted to the cause, 

J """* done it great service— a delegate to Harrisburg in 

"General Taylor is, as we believe, ri°-ht on 1839 ' and t0 Baltimore in 1844, and who lias 
every question, except possibly the slavery ques- known General Taylor long and intimately, writ- 
tion, and even on that his views practically are safe fen a lec,er °efore 1|S > 'hat he is all that we could 
even for ns. He is a Whig of the Clay school desire upon this very point. He writes that he 
and, if elected, will undoubtedly surround himself has heard him declare, with much force, that he 
with a good Whig Cabinet, and his administra- re ? arued slavery as a great evil to the country, and 
tion ivilt be conducted on the genuine Whig platform expresse d a strong hope that the time might arrive 
He has never been ashamed to ask and follow wfi en we could get rid of it altogether; and Colonel 
counsel in military affairs, where he has felt most Jn!l >ison declares his firmest conviction, thai Gen- 
at home, and in politics, respecting which he does e ' 11 ' Taylor l H the last man to counUnana its being 
Hot profess to have so thorough a knowledge as txlmd *& i0 an V ««« territory thai may be brought into 
our experienced statesmen, he will probably be llie ^" !on -' Colonel Johnson speaks, be it lemem- 
governed, to a great extent, by the opinion of Dered > fro . m his own persona! knowledge, and after 
those whom he may select for his counsellors "— an acquaintance of over thirty years." 
ipringfuld {Massachusetts) Gazette. 




erly enough Beparated from their southern col- slaver V- 

rfs'L7;-r l '7, Ki,1 " le 'l l ''' S ' i, 7" f ^ V r' y;6 " < " s "Cak Free Terr.touv Men- s.pport Taylor? 

Mr • southern colleague, hive demanded no such -This question is honestly asked bv many. It 

pledges from our candidate, and rather, on the con- only requires us to take facte as they exist, to de- 






[General Taylor's Northern face.] 

cide upon it with satisfaction. If the cause of free Mr. Stephens was assailed in the House by the 

territory stands any better chance by electing Gen- harpies of the Administration, who created a pro- 

eral Taylor than by electing Lewis Cass to the digious uproar when he moved that the bill belaid 

Presidency, it is of course our duty (we mean the upon the table. But, although an invalid, he is of 

friends of free territory) to give him our support, as i nyielding materials as any man in Congress, 

What are he facts? We take the issue as it is and goes ahead in his purposes, even if Mr. Polk 

presented between Cass and Taylor, as the elec- and his entire army of satellites lie in his path, 

tion of a third candidate is out of the question. Eight southern Taylor Whigs voted to put the bill 

How, then, does Taylor stand? upon the table — thus performing a better service 

"If there is any reliance to be placed in his words, for free soil than the whole troop of political mal- 

he will not interfere with the legislation of Congress contents in the North seem in a way to accom- 

vpon the question of slavery extension. He leaves plish, so long as in their present position." 

this matter with the people. Can we ask more of " We have said expressly , over and over again, 

any man who may fill the Presidential chair? We that the time was coming, and at no distant day, 

may also refer to his reply to the 'Signal' letter, when the whole North would plant herself on the 

in which he gives his 'decided approval of the ground 'no slavery,' and stand to it to a man. 

views and sentiments' contained therein, which We do not, however, at present, see that matters 

were strongly in favor of free territory." — Jtfassil- are ripe for this. When they are, our correspond- 

lon (Ohio) Telegraph. ent may count on our support. At present, we 

_,,„,,. . ■ , _ T TT . feel that the great Whis party are certain to come 

The following is from the New Hampshire ilUo power, with General Taylor at then- head; and 

Statesman, a violent Taylor Whig paper: we have a! , confide nce, that the moment Con- 

" Defeat of the 'Compromise' Bill. — In an- gress shall pass a law to circumscribe the ' unmit- 

other column will be found a somewhat full account i^ated curse' within the limits of the Constitution, 

of the proceedings in both branches of Congress as interpreted by Daniel Webster and other of our 

upon the compromise bill; from which it will be soundest northern men, that moment such a bill 

seen that every Whig from the fvee States who toill receive Taylor's signature. Convince us that 

was in the House of Representatives when it was it will not, and we will pull down his name from 

acted upon in that branch, voted to lay it upon the our paper. 

table — that is, voted to kill the bill. This sum- " What, we say again, then, does our friend, 'A 
raary and unanimous action on the part of the Freeman,' want, that we cannot give him? Does 
Whigs has shockingly disappointed these political he want any stronger opposition to slavery? But 
croakers — fault-finding abolitionists and bolting where will he find it, asserted over and overagain, 
Whigs — who, doubt'ess, would have preferred than in our columns long before the Buffalo Con- 
they should act otherwise. Never was the wind vention ? And we say now, that we are ready for 
more completely taken out of the sails of these any and all movements, just and proper, to con- 
croakers than upon this occasion. Since the nom- fine the evil within limits dictated by right. But 
ination of General Taylor by the Whig National we think there is a power already working for this 
Convention, they have daily charged the Whigs end. and a spirit making for this end, and that 
with being false to their free-soil professions — with power and that spirit are the body and spirit of the 
deserting the doctrine laid down in the ordinance Whig party- This party has ever been for jus- 
of 1787 — of being recreant to liberty, and doomed tice and truth; it is for that now; and the instant 
to everlasting disgrace! How utterly unjust these the time comes to cut the head from the monster, 
assertions are, is proved by the decisive action of the whigs will do it. Does 'A Freeman' want 
the Whigs, when the time for action came. more? 

" And the motion to lay the bill upon the table "Or is it, after all, that he does not believe that, 
came from a southern Whig, too — Mr. Stephens, with General Tfc'yor, we can do this? and does he 
of Georgia — upon whom is poured, in copious think we are deceived in General Taylor?" — .A'eto 
measure, the indignation of the organ of Mr. Polk. Haven Journal. 

It appears, from the preceding extracts, that the northern Whigs are endeavoring 
to persuade their followers to believe that General Taylor will not veto the Wilmot 
Proviso, on the ground that he has assented to the doctrines of the article published 
in the Cincinnati Signal, and that he has, in his letter to Captain Allison, promised 
not to exercise the veto power. 

On the other hand, his partisans at the South allege that he will veto the Wilmot 
Proviso, assigning as the reason that he lives in a slave State, and that his interests 
are identified with the slave interest. And he has himself, in his letter to the 
Tuscaloosa Monitor, disclaimed any intention to endorse the article in the Signal. 

Now, what will he do? Will he disappoint and deceive the North or the South? 
If elected President, he must do one or the other. Which will he do? 

Is not General Taylor's course in reference to the Wilmot Proviso, in the event of 
his election to the Presidency, extremely uncertain? The .people of the South may 
expect, from the fact that he lives in a slave State, and is himself a slaveholder, that 
he will be devoted to their interests, and consequently will be opposed to, and will 



8 

prevent by his ?eto the application of the Wilmot Proviso to the new territory 
acquired from Mexico. But can they rely upon a fact of that kind ? For the sake 
of attaining the Presidency, the summit of human ambition, would he not agree to 
sacrifice his interests as a slaveholder? Is not his conduct with regard to the Wilmot 
Proviso contradictory? Did he not, in substance, approve of it in his Signal letter? 
And did he not, in his letter to the Tuscaloosa Monitor, deny that he had thus 
approved it? What is his opinion upon that important question? IS GENERAL 
TAYLOR FOR OR AGAINST THE WILMOT PROVISO? These questions 
are worthy of the serious consideration of southern men. 

And have the people of the free States any certain pledge from General Taylor 
that he will carry out their views with regard to the Wilmot Proviso ? His Allison 
letter does not absolutely pledge him against the use of the veto. Will he not think 
that the Wilmot Proviso is one of the cases in which it would be proper to use the 
veto ? And will not his interest as a slaveholder, and his connection with slaveholders, 
induce him to use the veto in that particular instance? 

In short, have the people of the free or slave States any positive assurance of what 
General Taylor will do with regard to this great question? His partisans of the 
S mill say he will v< to the Wilmot Proviso, ami his partisans of the North are equally 
c mfident that he will not. 

Mow, one o/the other MUST BE DECEIVED. Who are to be deceived, you of 
the North, or you of the South? Is any man worthy of the suffrages of the Ameri- 
can people for the great and exalted office of the Presidency, who stands in this 
equivocal position in regard to a question of domestic policy, the agitation of which 
may shake this Union to its foundations ? 

Washington, August, 1848. 



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